It is not many months ago since I found myself writing to the UK government on behalf of the diaspora community following deportations en masse of Zimbabweans. Some people had lived in the UK for all their adult lives, and many were approaching their old age. Separation with family is such an excruciatingly painful process, that to one who has not had such experiences, it’s quite easy to trivialise it, and make such humorous caricature of men with ‘shangani’ bags. The man with a ‘shangani’ bag is someone’s father, someone’s lover, brother and so on. I have had such a traumatising experience of helplessly attempting to console big men breaking down, sobbing like little children, faced with the deportation prospects.
Former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe warned us about migration challenges, but what alternative did he provide for us? Many left because of his policies, and anti-opposition cruelty. Fewer people left the country during the colonial rule than during his reign, and even greater numbers are leaving today due to his legacy, which leads in essence to the real reason for this article. Mugabe’s legacy has been the main “push factor” for population migration from Zimbabwe. Migration labour movements are often explored from “Push and Pull” factors as equal forces. A theory which was first coined by Ravenstein of England in the 19th century. The theory’s assumption is that international migration is the result of a combination of reasons that incite or force a person to leave a country of origin (push factors) and reasons that draw a person to a particular destination country (pull). In my submission, I believe that the Zimbabwean situation has been more “push” than the pull effect. UK has always existed, with even much easier conditions for people to emigrate from Zimbabwe to UK, a situation which many of our political elders (themselves) took advantage of to come to the UK for studies. I deliberately chose to describe them as political elders and not leaders for two main reasons, age, and the fact that a greater number of them are perceived as mis-leaders in the country, reasons which have caused the mass emigration of the citizens, including in some cases their wives, husbands, and children.
I recall around early 2000, a time before my emigration journey to UK. There was only one theme which dominated discussions wherever you met people, whether in the ‘holy’ circles of churches, at those who enjoyed their pass time with “holy drink”, or even at workplaces. You would just hear that so and so has left for UK, surprisingly they just left without warning, or a word, even to their close relatives. I believe there were examples of some who left without informing their wives nor children. It was a common occurrence to just discover in the morning, that a colleague has not turned up for work. I heard of many cases where some just abandoned company cars at the airport. They did not bother to handover any work or materials which belonged to their employment. One would wonder whether it is just a Zimbabwean way of things to be so secretive, even when people are doing same things (could sharing notes not increase prospects of success?). People are not even comfortable to share information about their health conditions, simple things like blood pressure and diabetes, where you can learn ways to manage your conditions from each other. What are the reasons? Some attribute this attitude to spirituality and fear of witchcraft, some believe that it jinxes your chances, some believe that people can betray your trust and phone the UK authorities to “grass” you about your prior arrival and about the falsehoods you intend to present as the reasons for your visit. Some just fear the embarrassment which comes with deportations in case they are refused entry.
This continues throughout the journey and settlement in the UK though, surprisingly. On arrival we were coached by those who arrived before, if you are that lucky to have someone so generous, in some cases unlucky, because some of the coaching and knowledge was extremely detrimental. We were taught to use false names to secure employment, and false documents were an easy reach, “just your pocket”. Some of the compatriots pretended to be from other countries other than Zimbabwe, not sure why any other poor country in Africa could be a better association option than Zimbabwe. Meanwhile Nigerians, Congolese and many other nationals were travelling to buy Zimbabwean passports to come to the UK to claim Asylum. Each fellow Zimbabwean you met pretended to have everything in order. No one would tell you about claiming asylum, but Home Office records state that an estimated 20 000 people from Zimbabwe claimed asylum in the UK at the beginning of year 2000. Who are those 20k people then? Maybe they are not Zimbabweans, it could be other nationals who took advantage of the Zimbabwean political meltdown, because every Zimbabwean I met then, claimed they had work permits, or they were students at universities/colleges. If they were students though, they must have been unique students.
They never seemed to miss a work “shift” (as we called it), and they worked very long hours, contrary to UK law which allows students to only work 20 hours a week. If they really had work permits also, in early 2000 work permits were for higher skills jobs, why were these people working 60 hours a week in factories and care jobs? At what point did they work in their specialised fields which they got the permits for?
Fast forward – 20 years later, UK Home Office announces deportations of failed asylum seekers to Zimbabwe. You begin to hear of detentions and, “on the run” of very close compatriots. Some eventually braved it and reached out to their communities for support, however, some chose to face deportation than to seek help and support from their communities, not sure if this is the wisest way of dealing with problems and challenges. Even those who later came out to seek help, I would like to believe that their situation could have not reached the deportation stage if they had opened up and shared their problems with their communities in time. In Shona they also say, “benzi bvunza rakanaka” (meaning , everyone has the potential to give helpful advice, just ask, do not look down upon anyone). Many came to the UK through the asylum route, and there is nothing embarrassing about it. They have legitimised their stay and are now very productive UK citizens, and government are very aware of that, hence the reason they have extended yet another opportunity to take more people from Africa. Zimbabwe is leading on this exodus.
A new wave of movements to UK has resumed since “Brexit” (a term used to describe UK withdrawal from the European Union). And compatriots are using again, the same “modus operandi” Everything is done quietly. Nothing was learnt from the early 2000 movements. We hope not to have a repeat of the 2021 deportation lamentations. The current movements have taken a two-way process of “hush tones”, an environment so dangerous for exploitation of each other. The Zimbabweans who have already settled in the UK have seized the opportunity to deal with the labour market deficit in the UK, a great idea, and as usual, we all do the same thing, but with cards close to our chests. Again, not sure if it’s induced by the same fears such as those of 20yrs ago, like witchcraft and so on. Society has a tendence to name their children after great events, I would not be surprised to hear of some youngsters called COS in a few months (Certificate of Sponsor, a document that I am also desperately looking for on behalf of my loved ones). Most people in Zimbabwe and other parts of Africa are looking for this golden document. Many are selling homes to purchase this document which is sold by the prospective employers in the UK. This document is supposed to be for free to the employees under UK immigration law (1971 Immigration Act), hence its literal meaning “certificate of sponsor”. It means the employer is the sponsor, the reason why the employer applies for the employment sponsor licence from the Home Office. However, if you are Zimbabwean, you really understand, “the nothing for free” statement. There is no need for much labouring with details around this, unless you want to make more enemies than friends in my society. When you ask friends that run the care companies about these COSs, the information you get is so sketchy, even information to also register a similar business is not easily shared. We have coined a statement, “that’s a Zimbabwean way anyway”, so, is it surprising? In Zimbabwe also, friends and relatives are busy running around chasing for COS quietly, they do not tell anyone, in case the witches catch wind and jinx things as usual. The problem though, just as in early 2000, the episode does not go without victims. The pains and the joys of social media, it’s not regulated, you just wake up to very traumatic wailing of victims without warning. Victims just pope up on your Facebook without discretional warning, it doesn’t matter your nervous disposition to handle such content. The secretive “opportunity environment” is the breeding and hunting ground for scammers. They maximise; asking for divine and ancestral spiritual intervention does not help once you have been duped.
Current Zimbabwe and other Sub-Saharan African countries UK migration a potential Windrush Scandal again in UK?
Many historians describe Windrush Generation as a group of people, who collectively acquired their name from the Ship HMT Empire Windrush, which ferried the people from the Afro Caribbean Islands to come to work in the UK post Second World War. While one strand of the Windrush narrative relates to the arrival of the actual ship, another strand constructs Windrush as a metonym which stands for all who arrived in this time frame, thus, period between late 1940s up until around 1962. The moment of arrival captured by the Windrush has become a symbol for all those occasions when any other black people became part of the British nation.
The way the Windrush generation were treated despite their immense contribution to revive the UK post 2nd world war economic decline, and their subsequent battle to claim legitimacy as UK residents and citizens has consequentially far-reaching devastating effects on how the labour market participation of black people is perceived in UK. The treatment of the Windrush generation has created a residual stereotypical image of generations of African descent as an underclass labour force, often necessary for poor quality jobs, who can be discarded when their need is no longer required. There is also fear that history may repeat itself with the contemporary SSA new labour migrants arriving in the UK, particularly in the social care industry, where the government has embarked on a massive drive to recruit staff from abroad to fill mounting shortages following Brexit. There are already shocking reports of challenges being faced by the arriving migrant workers under the schemes, thereby fueling fears of the Windrush reproduction.
Recent media and other independent organisation reports cite poor regulation as the main challenge, which is leading to the migrant workers facing long delays in their visa renewal application process, causing rent arrears, homelessness, employment and health issues to the victims. The Guardian recently reported that migrant workers seeking to extend or formalise their immigration are given a status called 3C while they wait for the Home Office to process their application. The purpose of section 3C, 1971 Immigration Act leave, is to prevent a person who makes an in-time application to extend their leave from becoming an overstayer while awaiting a decision on that application and while any appeal or administrative review they are entitled to is pending (Home Office, 1971 Immigration Act). Although their right to work is protected, they however, have no documents to evidence their status, which then creates challenges with employers and landlords. Employers are afraid of the increased penalties if they fail to conduct adequate immigration status checks in line with immigration policy changes from 2012. The changes have made it harder for anyone without documentary proof of their valid immigration status to access healthcare, benefits, driving licences, bank accounts or mobile phone contracts. While unexpected legal changes caused problems for people from the Windrush generation, who ended up unable to prove their legal status in UK, The recent Guardian report raises concerns that, the new group of migrant workers are now facing similar difficulties because of this 3C status and this could lead to same Windrush outcomes.
The section 3C challenge is that it does not extend leave where the application is made after the applicant’s current leave has expired. The 3C leave application is also a complicated legal process, which requires expert legal applications, attracting substantial costs, thereby presenting challenges for these migrant workers. We are already aware that, a majority of our people migrate for low-income jobs such as social care jobs, and other jobs which attract little local market demand due to the level of remuneration and conditions of service. This, therefore, compounded with migrant workers’ limited understanding of UK laws, and support networks, result in many failing to extend their visas within required time frames, which then presents a wave of illegal migrants in the country. There are also high risks associated with employer compliance issues which are not of the migrant workers’ own responsibility, such as rogue employers and agencies who are reportedly extortionately charging applicants exorbitant fees for the certificate of sponsors (COS), anecdotal reports are that charges are ranging from £5k-£10k. The law states that, evidence that the person paid someone to provide the document, and that person was not authorised to accept such payments is grounds enough for withdrawal of the 3C leave. This is a situation which the migrant workers are reportedly trapped in, as they have to purchase these expensive COSs due to lack of choice induced by considerable pressure from lack of opportunities in the home countries, whether conscious or unconscious of the legal implications.
Furthermore, anecdotally, some recruiting employers are people who previously worked in the sectors, at operational levels, not even at middle management levels, or just team leader. They have serious challenges of skills and knowledge deficiencies of the policies, regulations, and organizational management in the industry. Again, because of the fear of “witchcraft”, these employers do not ask for help within time from people closer to them. They then make some errors which then result in the Home Office, and other regulatory bodies such as Care Quality Commission (CQC) revoking their operational licenses. The Home Office gives the migrant workers just 60 days to find an alternative sponsor to issue them out a new COS when the company they worked for has lost the license. This time frame to get another COS is very little, resulting in these employees becoming overstayers without valid visas. Bearing in mind that in that little window, getting another job requires a lot of procedures, such as references, new criminal record checks, some employers prefer you to start by working for them before they can apply for a new COS, meanwhile your 60 days are ticking, no guarantee that they will apply for the COS for you. Once you have become an overstayer, the UK immigration law is very punitive. You get banned for 10 years. To add salt to injury, these migrant workers would have uprooted their entire family, which impacts on children attending schools. Who is prepared to go back to Zimbabwe after you have managed to escape the evils of poverty and the gallows of misrule? How many illegal immigrants are going to result from this situation? Windrush scandal is an understatement.
There are widespread reports of revocation of sponsor licenses among many Zimbabwean community companies currently. Some companies are even losing the licenses before the people they recruited from Zimbabwe, and other parts of the world have managed to set off. Once this happens, the recruited employees’ visas are revoked, or refused, if they were not already granted/processed, despite the fact that they would have paid extortionate illegal COS fees. This is causing unprecedented pain, heartbreak, and community disintegration. In any company or work environment, there are likely to be disagreements naturally between employers and employees, however, unfortunately, when a sponsor licence has been revoked in our communities, the suspicions between the employer and the employees become so dense. Employers then suspect that those employees they had bad relations with reported them to the authorities. The entire community gets at loggerheads. It snaps all the already naturally strained fibres that hold communities together. But who facilitates the company which they work for to shut down, particularly when it impacts on them as well? Anyway, who knows, people make meaning from their experiences? It’s a complex working environment for both employers and employees. There is no data protection, some employers can just wake up on social media telling the whole wide world that they have lost the licences, and their entire stock of staff have no work permits, the same applies for employees. Your work-related hardships are for public consumption on either party, employer, or employee, because of the community connectivity. Is this current work opportunity in UK a real opportunity or just another Shangani bag heartbreak brewing? Will it create the same Windrush Scandal residual effects?
Let’s draw some comparisons between the Windrush Generation and the new labour migrants from SSA
The Windrush generation felt a profound affiliation to the UK, and they travelled with immense hopes and expectations of cultural acceptance and economic advancement. The New labour migrants from Africa are not only imagining a connection with the land of UK and its white indigenous inhabitants, they also have a deep reconnection fantasy with their brother, sister, uncle, aunt who left them home some few decades ago. To their unbelievable shock, the cultural distance that has grown in between them is unimaginable. Africans in the UK, who settled earlier are now whiter culturally than the white themselves, that, even intra family, there are massive gaps depending who is acculturing faster than the other, is it father, mother or children? They are not acculturating at the same rate. The new African migrant worker is now living with his very close relatives, but distant by time and geography. You must have a temporary shelter while you wait to get on your feet and independent, it does not matter you are now in your 50s and set in your ways. You must adjust and comply with the norms and values of people you live with. You have a flimsy familiarity with the problems of your relatives, and you kind of knew before you came. You always heard about their telephone calls reporting their “on and off”, lifestyle, however, it’s a different ball game when it’s a live drama in your face. You are caught in the middle. It’s easy to become a victim of circumstances depending which side of power in the house your actual relative is, wife or husband, in some cases children are even more powerful than their parents, they are now in their teens and twenties but living at home.
In the same fashion with new African migrants, the Windrush generation were also escaping from high unemployment, low wages, and chronic lack of opportunity at home. They came to fill the UK labour market challenges following 2nd world war economic decline. African migrants are also coming to deal with post Brexit labour Market Challenges, compounded with economic crisis due to Ukraine war, and the recently passed COVID pandemic. However, although the Windrush generation presented cheap labour benefits opportunity, they brought with them some unintended consequences to the United Kingdom’s homogenous community. It is widely acknowledged that their arrival marks a challenge to the sociological solidity of the national narrative. The Windrush has created a national narrative of the presence of migrants considered unassimilable to the old conception of national identity of Whiteness. Windrush is the most recognized migration period of black people who trace their origin to Sub Saharan Africa, and the repeated inscription of the Windrush across various cultural forms does not only respond to a history of complex migrations and mobilities, but to a need to recognize this event as a revolutionary rupture in a national identity imagined as homogeneous. Gendering it to all male immigrants, even when many historians and writers acknowledge that these migrants also included women and children was purposefully crucial in constructing these immigrants as a threat to the white monocultural society. I am very keen to see how the indigenous UK white middle class are going to respond to this unprecedent new influx of black people in not-so-distant future. To put things into perspective, the home office figures are presented below:
Table 1. Work visa applications and outcomes, by nationality, in the year ending June 2022 – (Home Office Immigration Statistics)
Nigeria, Zimbabwe and South Africa are now in the top ten countries supplying labour force to the UK. Of course, India and Philippines will always be the top global suppliers, nothing new. Thanks to Brexit, UK’s labour market demands have shifted attention towards Africa. Despite Zimbabwe’s population size, it is just number 6 below United States by a very small margin. Amongst the top 10 countries, Zimbabwe is the country with the smallest population, but has very high numbers of migrant workers leaving for UK.
The rate of SSA migrants coming to work in the UK has dramatically risen in the year 2021/2 as demonstrated on figure1. The figures for 2022 just by June are almost equal to the figures of 2021. Presenting a potentiality to double the 2021 figures by the end of the year.
Figure 1. Total work visas granted for SSA migrants 2010-2022 (Home Office statistics data tables, year ending 2022).
What should we do as a Zimbabwean/SSA diaspora community to reduce the likelihood of the 2021 Shangani bag deportations repeat, and potential “Windrush scandal” problem among our communities? You do not want to be always reactive, but proactive to address the problems before they happen. Currently there is a huge leverage potential for negotiations with the UK government to push them to adjust some of their policies that impact on the labour market participation of new SSA migrants. UK is clearly in dire labour force shortage, and anything that promotes sustainability of labour market participation of the new migrants is an open table invitation. Brexit has reinvigorated Britain’s re-engagement with the world beyond Europe, particularly its former colonies. The special relationship that Britain has with its former colonies was clearly neglected due to the UK’s EU membership which had supposedly diverted British attention solely to its near European neighbours. The EU membership continued to hold back Britain’s stronger trading links with SSA. So, the sudden turn to recruit large a number of workers from SSA is a clear demonstration of the recovery of this relationship. The UK Zimbabwean, and its SSA diaspora community counterparts should now engage the government about the challenges faced by both the black employers and employees in sustaining the labour market engagement. The SSA governments should also join hands in these negotiations, than waiting for just deportation engagement of their citizens in return for bribes and aid. There is also issues around international crime which require urgent attention. The international recruitment process is making communities vulnerable to scammers and there must be robust bilateral engagements to police the recruitment environment to apprehend the scammers. The employers and employees should also make closer networks to deal with their challenges and have some internal or intra community mechanisms for conflict resolutions. There is no need to always resort to mainstream institutions, whose main agenda is largely to sink your efforts. This is a lifetime opportunity which our communities can maximise on if well managed. However, it can also be another source of community disintegration, pain, and heartbreak if not well managed. I always say we are our refuge; our safety is in each other.
Written by
Chris Goshomi
PhD Candidate
Politics and International Relations.
Research Focus, Sustainable labour market participation of generations of African descent in UK
(The writer writes in his personal capacity. Any views contained in this article are not necessarily the newspaper’s views.)
